Emancipation fights for a society organized towards the fulfillment of universal human needs
without commodities or scarcity
without wage laborwithout exploitation
without wars or armies
without state or repression
Capitalism is the first mode of production that extends to a single metabolism all over the planet. It is based on the exploitation of a working class – the proletariat – by a possessing class, the bourgeoisie. This exploitation has a collective character: it is not the “sum” of the exploitation enterprise by enterprise, sector by sector and even country by country, but it is a complex and universally extended system, which conceals in all its manifestations that capital is nothing more than unpaid work that is extracted from the whole of the workers in each production cycle.
The proletariat is the first universal class. In the first place because, as a product of a system that already occupies the whole planet, it is universally extended and defined by the same and unique relation of exploitation: wage labor. It is this exploitation that gives it equal interests all over the world. Second, it is the universal class because, when it struggles as a class, it does not claim any particular privileges that would prepare a new form of exploitation, but it does claim universal, human, and generic needs.
This is why the class struggle of the proletariat anticipates a society, communism, in which production becomes a conscious and collective activity, not guided by capital and its logic of accumulation, but by the satisfaction of those same human needs. A society without state or scarcity, without wars or borders. The communist perspective is present in each of the expressions of struggle by the workers as a class, whether they develop or not. That is why it is the revolutionary class of the capitalist mode of production regardless of the ups and downs of its class consciousness.
Solidarity of the world proletariat as a unity against international capitalism. Solidarity both in ideas and in deeds, directed against the nation and patriotism in the first place, including the colonial countries. There can be no greater interest than that of the world proletariat, not even that of a country where revolution would have triumphed. The internationalists fight with equal fury against the two contending factions in local imperialist wars as well as in world wars, and point to the respective part takers and propagandists as traffickers of human flesh. They propose and strive to organize the action of the exploited, at the front and rear, against their respective governments and military commanders. All national defense –even in its degree of resistance– conceals exploitation and oppression. The immediate enemy is, for each proletariat, in its own country; harassing it to the fullest is a condition for unleash- ing the struggle of the proletariat in other countries and undertaking, united, the destruction of capital- ism throughout the world.
Centralism is the organizational expression of the idea of unity of the proletarian class as a universal political subject. In the working class, “centralism” does not mean adherence to a formal principle, the defense of a certain typology of command structures. And of course, it does not mean concentrating power in a single person or group but, on the contrary, means extending the scope of any class struggle organization to all its members, reflecting the universal character that beats under each class expression and putting it before any particularism, any feeling or prejudice, imaginary privilege or real oppression. In other words: when it comes to formulate demands, to organize and engage in a combat, we do not accept divisions by nationality, sex, age, type of contract or anything else. Any convocation, assembly or militancy limited to one sex, to one nationality, to one type of contract, to the workers of a single mother tongue or any other division reneges on the fact of doing so, of their class character.