Emancipation fights for a society organized towards the fulfillment of universal human needs
without commodities or scarcitywithout wage laborwithout exploitationwithout discriminationwithout borderswithout wars or armieswithout state or repression
Capitalism is the first mode of production that extends to a single metabolism all over the planet. It is based on the exploitation of a working class – the proletariat – by a possessing class, the bourgeoisie. This exploitation has a collective character: it is not the “sum” of the exploitation enterprise by enterprise, sector by sector and even country by country, but it is a complex and universally extended system, which conceals in all its manifestations that capital is nothing more than unpaid work that is extracted from the whole of the workers in each production cycle.
The proletariat is the first universal class. In the first place because, as a product of a system that already occupies the whole planet, it is universally extended and defined by the same and unique relation of exploitation: wage labor. It is this exploitation that gives it equal interests all over the world. Second, it is the universal class because, when it struggles as a class, it does not claim any particular privileges that would prepare a new form of exploitation, but it does claim universal, human, and generic needs.
This is why the class struggle of the proletariat anticipates a society, communism, in which production becomes a conscious and collective activity, not guided by capital and its logic of accumulation, but by the satisfaction of those same human needs. A society without state or scarcity, without wars or borders. The communist perspective is present in each of the expressions of struggle by the workers as a class, whether they develop or not. That is why it is the revolutionary class of the capitalist mode of production regardless of the ups and downs of its class consciousness.
Solidarity of the world proletariat as a unity against international capitalism. Solidarity both in ideas and in deeds, directed against the nation and patriotism in the first place, including the colonial countries. There can be no greater interest than that of the world proletariat, not even that of a country where revolution would have triumphed. The internationalists fight with equal fury against the two contending factions in local imperialist wars as well as in world wars, and point to the respective part takers and propagandists as traffickers of human flesh. They propose and strive to organize the action of the exploited, at the front and rear, against their respective governments and military commanders. All national defense –even in its degree of resistance– conceals exploitation and oppression. The immediate enemy is, for each proletariat, in its own country; harassing it to the fullest is a condition for unleash- ing the struggle of the proletariat in other countries and undertaking, united, the destruction of capital- ism throughout the world.
Centralism is the organizational expression of the idea of unity of the proletarian class as a universal political subject. In the working class, “centralism” does not mean adherence to a formal principle, the defense of a certain typology of command structures. And of course, it does not mean concentrating power in a single person or group but, on the contrary, means extending the scope of any class struggle organization to all its members, reflecting the universal character that beats under each class expression and putting it before any particularism, any feeling or prejudice, imaginary privilege or real oppression. In other words: when it comes to formulate demands, to organize and engage in a combat, we do not accept divisions by nationality, sex, age, type of contract or anything else. Any convocation, assembly or militancy limited to one sex, to one nationality, to one type of contract, to the workers of a single mother tongue or any other division reneges on the fact of doing so, of their class character.
COMMUNIST TACTICS TODAY
All factions of the bourgeoisie, big or small, oppressed or oppressing, in the market or the state, today are reactionary. We cannot engage in a common front with any of them.
State property is not socialism. Stalinist Russia, Maoist China, Castroist Cuba or Chavist Venezuela were never socialist, but state capitalisms.
All nationalisms are reactionary. For over a century no progressive national liberation has been possible. To place ourselves under a national flag is to line up for the slaughterhouse.
The trade unions are an integral part of the state. The only way to carry out the struggles is self-organization, the extension of strikes and the formation of committees to coordinate them among themselves.
WHAT IS TO BE DONE?
PUBLICATIONS AND RESOURCES
BIRTH OF «EMANCIPATION»
Emancipation I Congress
21, 22 and 23 June 2019
“Emancipation” is constituted as a world-wide internationalist political organization.
Barcelona, Bilbao, Granada, Madrid, Miami, Sapporo, Valladolid,
The different initiatives come together to prepare a political conference that is to constitute «Emancipation» as a single political organization
Granada, Vallodolid (Spain)
In Granada and Valladolid appear the first political nucleus in Spain vindicating political continuity with the Spanish Communist Left and FOR since 1993.
First journal in Spanish defending positions lined up with our tendency since the nineties.
School of Marxism
Take place a series of seminars reappropriating the foundations of Marxism, Spanish Revolution and the history of the internationalist tendency in Spain, Argentina, Uruguay, Chile and Braxil. The seminars are followed by an effort of creating an historical archive of documents and texts on line.
Last FOR militants promote in Internet the reconstitution of the organization. They republish contents of «Alarme» and «Alarma» along with new articles and statements.
Revolutionary Workers Ferment (FOR)
FRANCE, GREECE, ITALY, SPAIN, USA
It was reorganized internationally in 1958 under the acronym FOR (“Fomento Obrero Revolucionario”), organizing during the 60s to 90 sections in France, Spain, Italy, Greece and the USA. At this stage is central the critique of national liberation – already begun in the 1930s by the Communist Left in Argentina – and of the role of trade unions in state capitalism, begun in the 1940s in the UOI. In 1961 FOR publishes “For a Second Communist Manifesto”, a fundamental text of balance of the revolutionary experience under the conditions of decadent capitalism.
International Worker’s Union (IWU-UOI)
FRANCE, GERMANY, ITALY, SPAIN, VIETNAM
In 1949 it was constituted as the “International Workers Union”, grouping the internationalist sections and factions in rupture with the the 4th International’s surrenderist policy. Between them, the two sections that lived through the two characteristic revolutions of the period – the Spanish and the Vietnamese – and the fractions and groups of the extinct International that participated in the attempts of the class to turn the imperialist war into a revolutionary civil war in Greece, France, Germany and Italy. Its bases recognize Stalinist Russia and its satellites as state capitalisms and reject the Stalinist “defence of the USSR”, the possibility of progressive national liberation and in general the progressive character of any alliance with bourgeois factions. They initiate the critique of the union as a structure integrated into state capitalism and are the only internationalist group to maintain a militant structure under the conditions of repression of the Franco dictatorship.
It founded the Fourth International in 1938, once the way was open to a new world war through the capitulation without struggle of the International against Nazism in 1933 and especially after the defeat of the Spanish Revolution in 1937, in which Stalinism took for the first time the role of driving force and direction of the counterrevolution.
From 1942 onwards he fought against centrism in the Fourth International, denouncing the renunciation of the revolutionary defeatism of the International Secretariat and the betrayal of internationalism by the member parties supporting “national resistances”. It takes a policy independent of the centrist leadership in 1944 calling for the conversion of imperialist war into revolutionary civil war and denouncing the imperialist character of the Russian military occupation in the countries of Eastern Europe. The rupture is made formal in the second congress of the International (1948).
International Communist Left
The birth of our tendency was driven by the Russian Left Opposition’s struggle against the degeneration of the International. It constitutes left external fractions with the aim of recovering the Komintern parties. It incorporates different tendencies -many of them founders of the different national parties- in the construction of a world class perspective.
We support discussion groups in different countries, we organize webinars and seminars and we encourage a discussion network or Telegram discussion groups worldwide. Wherever you are, whatever your passport will be, write us and join the debate!
Workers of all countries, unite, abolish armies, police, war production, borders, wage labor!